Conference report (Belgrade): Working Group 3 “Transformation of Politics”

Conference report (Belgrade): Working Group 3 “Transformation of Politics”

Conference report (Belgrade): Working Group 3 "Transformation of Politics"

Co-authored by Sara Jones and Maija Spurina

The working group on slow transformation of politics met in three sessions. This time our meetings were focused on various projects that our groups had been working on. The co-chairs of the group Sara Jones and Maija Spurina and leaders of each activity reported on the progress of each project and we all discussed how to proceed further. The projects discussed were: two sets of educational materials; the 8th of March project that will result in both a contribution to the action wide virtual exhibition and a podcast episode; a working paper on slow memory of religion;  and a special issue on Slow Memory and the City.

One set of educational materials that our group has prepared is led by Sara Jones in collaboration with WG3 members Ewa Tartakowsky and Julian Hoerner, and their colleagues at the University of Birmingham. The aim of these resources is to help teachers and students embed the experiences of the Second World War and the Holocaust in Europe’s East  into their teaching and learning. There are two competitions associated with the resources, one for students over the age of 16 in secondary-level education in any country, and one for teachers or teachers-in-training in the UK.  The development of the other set of resources is led by Vayia Karaiskou (University of Cyprus). These are visual literacy tools targeted at diverse audiences aiding exploration of our perceptions and workings of memory, unlocking new possibilities for research, innovation, and societal understanding.

 

We also discussed an upcoming working paper on religion and slow memory authored by Kim Groop. It was decided to develop a dialogical collaborative working paper based on Kim’s work, where several group members will respond to Kim’s paper on religion from the perspective of their own research.  

A separate session was dedicated to the 8th of March Project, a project that was born in the previous action meeting in Aarhus, where we realized that the 8th of March is an eventless commemorative date that has very diverse meanings. Over the year we have collected a set of images from various national contexts, as well as recorded statements by the action members of what the 8th of March means to them or to people around them.

The final session was dedicated to the upcoming special issue on Slow Memory and the City, edited by Gruia Badescu, Maija Spurina, and Christian Wicke.  The group discussed potential journals for the special issue and set up the working plan on how to proceed. 

Besides thes working group sessions we all took part in action wide events. Some ofour group members have reflected on the insights gained in these various sessions:

Maija Spurina (Latvian Academy of Culture, Latvia): “From the very dense and truly exciting program, for me the most thought-provoking events were Igor Stik’s lecture (which was part of the training school), and most notably his statement about western constructed post-socialist subject in 1990s who was not supposed to speak, but only to listen, not supposed to design, but only to implement, not supposed to think, but only to learn; not to supposed to act,  but only to follow. I also enjoyed the visit to the Museum of Yugoslavia that is also a Josip Broz Tito memorial.  Coming from the Baltics, the Serbian view of Tito’s Yugoslavia in a positive light was hard to grasp, and made me realize how differently Yugoslavian and Soviet socialism was experienced and is now remembered.”

Johanna Vollmeyer (Complutense University of Madrid, Spain): “It was striking to attend the guided walking tour to NATO memorials from the Yugoslavian War and talk to the guide and her colleagues about the 1990s events. Seeing the reactions of some local people in the street on what our guide told us, and graffitis like “The only Genocide was against the Serbs” makes me think that the Balkans is still a powder keg with a cold peace that can convert into a conflict very quickly again.”

Ewa Tartakowsky (CNRS, France) : Among all the exciting activities I attended during the annual meeting in Belgrade, the one that intrigued me the most was the memory walk on graffiti and memory on the walls with Sofija Todorović. We discovered various types of public uses of the past, ranging from simple tags with political resonance to the creation of murals funded by institutional sources. Clearly, these varied uses are very engaging, relatively widespread, and highly political—as evidenced, for example, by those advocating for the return of Kosovo to Serbia. It is interesting to note that this practice of inscribing political history on the walls, as well as the practices of contesting these messages and representations, are situated in well-defined locations—some kind of memory battlegrounds—but all stem from civil society, even though it seems largely polarized. The Serbian case is, in this respect, an interesting point of comparison for this type of public use of history on the walls in Poland, which I am studying. It offers both similarities in terms of political content and differences in terms of the range of references and degrees of politicization. I must finally admit that the meeting in Belgrade also allowed me to become aware of the very existence of Taylor Swift—showing that research on the past is always connected to the present.”

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Future Perfect Park - Info
Chris Reynolds and Sara Dybris McQuaid

Click on each of the players to reveal pop-ups with the exhibition pieces. 

5. ????

8 March 2024, Tirana Albania. Image: Paola Williams

Red Shoes” (Zapatos Rojos) is an art project by Mexican artist Elina Chauvet. The installation features shoes painted red. It serves as a powerful reminder of women murdered or disappeared due to gender-based violence. This symbolic form of protest has become a yearly tradition in Tirana and other cities across Albania.

In Albania, 8 March is celebrated as International Women’s Day. Under Enver Hoxha’s regime, this day was given special significance, not only as a celebration of women’s social, economic, cultural, and political achievements but also as a platform for promoting women’s rights and equality. The regime’s publication, Shqiptarja e Re, was used as propaganda and a pedagogical tool, with the party-state portraying itself as the “Mother of Albania”.

Even today, 8 March is still commonly perceived as “Mother’s Day” by many, with women often celebrating at dinner parties and receiving red roses. However, in recent years, the day has taken on a deeper meaning, serving as a reflection on the ongoing challenges women face, such as femicide, gender-based violence, discrimination, and unequal opportunities in both their professional and personal lives.

Gilda Hoxha (Mediterranean University of Albania)

4. Shifting Commemorations in Spain

Image: Johanna Vollmeyer

8 March demonstrations in Spain are huge with 1000s of people on the streets. Many people participate as part of a very strong and progressive feminist movement in Spain. However, in recent years the movement has split into two parties. One in favour of the new transgender law, which is one of the most progressive in the world, while the other party is very critical of this law, being concerned about perceived disadvantages for women. For two years now, two separate demonstrations have therefore taken place on 8 March. The image is of my son on his first 8 March demonstration: there were many people (mostly, but not only, women) on the streets fighting for women’s rights, which felt empowering and encouraged me to attend in the future. This cheerful character of my first demonstration with my son has since been lost to me due to the fragmentation of the feminist movement, but I still believe it is important to continue the fight for equality.

Johanna Vollmeyer, Universidad Complutense de Madrid

3. Contemporary Kosovo

Credit: @Marshojmë S’Festojmë.

Disenchanted by mainstream gender equality rhetoric accompanying the neoliberal rationality of post-war state and nation-building, the commercialization of International Women’s Day, and its conflation with Mother’s Day, a feminist awakening and movement rose in Kosovo under the banner “Marshojmë S’ Festojmë” [“We March, We Don’t Celebrate”]. Since 2016, “Marshojmë S’ Festojmë” has staged protests every year on 8 March in Prishtina, the capital city, and other cities in Kosovo against structural inequality, gender oppression, gender-based violence, and discrimination. “Marshojmë S’ Festojmë” creates a feminist platform demanding an end to gender-based violence, equal pay, the valorization of housework, and equal rights to employment and inheritance, while promoting solidarity. It highlights the political dimension of 8 March and the memory of the international women’s struggle for equal rights and social justice. It bridges waves of feminism and the enduring memory of women’s collective mobilization for gender equality across time and space. By reconnecting with historic women’s marches, “Marshojmë S’ Festojmë” reflects the evolving times, deep-seated gender regimes, struggles for equality, and the essence of the feminist movement in contemporary Kosovo. It demonstrates the power of gender and memory in shaping events and how marching on International Women’s Day carries a temporal dimension of slow memory, an alternative imagining of a socially just future locally and globally, constantly in flux.

Vjollca Krasniqi, University of Prishtina

2. Post-Dictatorship Portugal

In 1975, one year after the 1974 revolution, women and men marched side by side for the first time to celebrate International Women’s Day. Source: Archive of “Diário de Notícias” newspaper.

In Portugal, 8 March is not a holiday and never has been. On 8 March 1975, the first International Women’s day was commemorated in Portugal with a march celebrating working antifascist women, in the aftermath of the revolution of 25 April 1974. Men and women gathered in this march that also claimed equal rights for women, as in Portugal the right to vote was only extended to every woman after the 25 April revolution. However, men and older generations in general – who actively participated in these first marches – are now distancing themselves from the contemporary marches of 8 March. Nowadays, International Women’s Day is referred to in the media, and there are marches for women’s rights and against domestic and gender violence in the main cities of the country. They reflect international agendas more than celebrate national figures, leaders or role models in women’s rights. Some people offer “their women” (friends, relatives, mothers, wives, etc) flowers but that’s a personal option – albeit increasingly promoted by media and commerce – to which, more often than not, many educated women reply “I don’t want flowers I want rights”. 

Clara Sarmento, Polytechnic University of Porto

1. Soviet Latvia

An International Women’s Day greeting card sent to Maija Spuriņa’s family by distant relatives in 1981. Typed on the front: “Greetings on Women’s Day!”. Handwritten on the back: “Warm greetings to you all on women’s day! We wish you joy and good mood! Akmentini family, in Talsi, 1981.” (From family archive)

In Latvia, 8 March is associated with the Soviet era, when it was widely celebrated in workplaces and at home. It was common to send greeting cards via post, and for men to greet women with fresh cut flowers, sweets, and small gifts. Because being a mother was seen as an integral part of women’s identity, the date also served as a Mother’s Day. Even though this date was not perceived as explicitly ideological, Soviet propaganda clearly used it to emphasize and celebrate the supposed gender equality in the Soviet Union, while the flower and gift-giving tradition to a certain extent reinforced traditional gender roles.

When the Soviet regime collapsed, Latvian society underwent extensive cultural de-Sovietization. The tradition of flower- and gift-giving lived on, but for many Latvians acquired a negative connotation due to its Soviet roots. More recently, local feminist movements have started organizing Solidarity marches on the date and thereby redefined it as a day to raise awareness of enduring gender inequalities rather than a day to receive flowers and gifts.

Maija Spuriņa (Latvian Academy of Culture)

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